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Of the proletariat

О пролетариате

Many were engaged in translations of Marx, understands its provisions, translated to your native language, including the question of what the proletariat is.
Was engaged in the Russian social-Democrats in particular Skvortsov-Stepanov, who translated “the Capital” of Karl Marx on Russian language. And there Skvortsov-Stepanov made a mistake, at that time, perhaps not significant, but in consequence, seriously influence the whole development of Marxism-Leninism as a science.
He translated the combination of linkbait, as an employee.
And here we must understand. A worker may not be hired. If not hired, he called another, it can be a small entrepreneur. This can be an individual, like anyone, but it is representative of the class of the petty bourgeoisie, which uses with his instruments of labour and means of production for the manufacture of goods which he then sells to the consumer market.
Then began to emerge of a monopoly, started the period of imperialism.
And in fact the translation of the Skvortsova-Stepanova could in the late 19th and early 20th century to recognize accurately describes the then situation in Russia.
As in Russia, employees were only factory workers. The class of wage workers.
It is no coincidence Marx, sensing the coming upheaval has determined that the class of the proletariat is indeed 2 class. He called them a class to themselves, i.e. when the employees are only interested in their economic situation. And a class for itself. When he is already struggling for their class interests, leading a political battle, but this political struggle in the interests of the vast number of the population
In fact, at the turn of 19-20 centuries, as a class in Russia was a very serious hash:
Check if the class is the nobility, because Russia was in feudalism with an unlimited autocracy;
The class of feudal lords;
The bourgeois class;
The peasant class;
The class of wage workers in the form of factory workers.

After all, until the Stolypin reform peasants was a kind of peasant community, which would be jointly cultivated the land, i.e. they were divided by the number of “edakov”. Each family was allocated a certain area, it is a family of treated. There have been known mechanisms of self-defense, etc, but it didn’t save of course from mass starvation. Indeed, in the period 1898-1911 year with four very terrible famine occurred in the Russian Empire.

Now, in addition, there was another different class.
For example, the Cossacks. They are not employees. They are not a kind of nobility. They were above peasants but below the nobility. They were allocated certain funds under the form of land. And this was the main that the Cossacks were the same as the nobility serviceman estate. During the war it had entirely to go to war. The entire male population.

Was quite free of the history society. Which neither the state did not serve or were not employees. And in fact was on the free bread. It was the closest to the bourgeoisie. It’s mostly people in the liberal professions. This is a different kind of creative figures. This is partly the scientific intelligentsia. Although all technical and scientific intelligentsia, after graduating from University, received the title in the table of ranks, which equated them with the nobility. They enjoyed all the privileges of the nobility.
Depending on the place in the roster. They received their salaries — a salary depending on their rank in the table of ranks, not from the position they occupied. And here just started to happen those events that everything has changed: the class of employees began to change, when factory workers have experienced direct exploitation began their protests into political struggle. And the first known serious known protests are the “Obukhov defense,” 1901. Here the workers there, who put forward political demands, barricaded themselves in the plant and revolted against who had come to pacify the gendarmerie ranks. There was a clash, killed a significant number of workers and in fact the predecessor of the defense was suppressed. But she gave a great example of that frightened this performance of the Saint-Petersburg security Department organized a “mutual aid Society of factory workers”. At its head stood the famous father Gapon. He began to convince workers that it is only as the bourgeoisie, the owners of factories depresses them. And the Holy father Tsar knows nothing about it and therefore it is necessary to go to him and ask him for mercy.
So he softened the oppression that has left the owners of factories and other factories for workers. Workers believed him.

January 9, Sunday 8 columns from different parts of St. Petersburg went to the Winter Palace to petition the Tsar about the request to listen to them and regret their poor by giving them freedom from the oppression of the factory owners. These columns were shot. Hacked Cossack sabers. Whipped with whips.
And it gave a huge leap in the class consciousness of the factory workers who filled at that time and was the only salaried employees of the Russian Empire. Moreover, the workers realized that they but themselves nobody will help. Then came the first Russian revolution and it was here that the class component of society was determined very seriously.
I now consciously walk around 1903, i.e., the Second Congress of the RSDLP and the Russo-Japanese war because these things were at a sufficient distance from the mass of workers factory.
And here the king issued a Manifesto, where for the first time, is a serious gradation by means of this Manifesto. Was organized by the political parties: the party of the big bourgeoisie, the cadets, or people’s freedom party, as they called themselves constitutional Democrats. Hence the reduction of the cadets. At the head of their Malyukov. In this party were assembled representatives of supporting big bourgeoisie. Here are the legal Marxists, led by Struve, economists, headed by Prokopovich and Kuskova.
The second batch that was created, the party of Octobrists. The title of the October Manifesto. The Manifesto of the king on the freedom of political parties was issued in October 1905, so the party of Octobrists — the party of the intelligentsia, the bourgeois intelligentsia, stress seriously enough.
Moreover, the emerged of the RSDLP in the form of its Menshevik wing.
In addition, on the basis of Union of the Archangel Michael and the “Union of Russian people” formed the monarchical party, headed by Purishkevich and Markov the second.
And here all these parties participated in the selection of the First state Duma.
The Bolsheviks, led by Lenin urged the Duma boycott. They clearly understood that political interests and political objectives of the workers of the proletariat are not associated with bourgeois parliamentarism. The Bolsheviks were right. The Tsar dispersed the First Duma.
On 3 June 1906 he was made a coup, which this government disbanded the Duma, and appointed elections to the new Duma with a more uneven legislation. Where landowners had the opportunity to get out, to choose a hundred times more members than the workers.
After this started, just the formation of this class “for itself” of the proletariat, when it was guided by the experience that was gained during the First Russian revolution (1905-1907). During the struggle with various bourgeois distortions in the generation of the liquidators or otzovism. We understand what it is. In may, after the events on the Lena — the Lena massacre, in may, 1912, was finally formed the party of the proletariat.
Once Lenin in his work “the Development of capitalism in Russia” said that if there is no proletariat, in order to create it we need to create the party of the proletariat. And by explaining to people their class goals and objectives, and proving that there is no other way to achieve these class goals and objectives in addition to the political struggle with the ruling class. Victory will not be achieved.

So in 1912 there was formed the party of the proletariat, it was called the Russian social democratic labour party of Bolsheviks.
Even then, Lenin understood that the tasks of the struggle of the proletariat is far above the task of social democracy, which is interested in the preservation of bourgeois society. It can only lead to an economic struggle for the interests of the proletariat taken separately. On trade Union grounds, on ethnic grounds, etc. and this way brought to the fact that as a result of defeat in the First world war feudalism in Russia was destroyed. The power took … took the party of big capitalists.
A Provisional government was formed, headed by Prince Lvov, a well-known Zemstvo worker. Long it did not last, have not resolved any of the contradictions. Not give the people no peace, the peasants no land, no worker control over production. And so, it and the two subsequent governments have sunk into oblivion.
The result of the Great October socialist revolution.
Why it is called the socialist revolution, because the ideological basis was based on the Declaration of the rights of workers and expatriate people. Where in accordance with the theory of Marxism-Leninism was formulated by the class interests of the proletariat and the poorest peasantry.
And this attitude has shown its resilience, because of Soviet Russia, even reaching the level of the Moscow Principality of the 19th century in the 19th year was able to win not only the internal counter-revolution, but also a direct intervention 14 powers on its territory.
So, it was in the 18th year was formed the first Constitution of a socialist state, created on the basis of workers ‘ rights, the Declaration on the rights of workers and exploited people.
In 1922, with the establishment of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics — this Constitution was expanded to include there, as a fully fledged part of the socialist state and the Union republics. That is, the RSFSR, the Ukrainian SSR, the Byelorussian SSR and the Transcaucasian Federation, i.e. then there was a separate Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, was a single Transcaucasian Federation. As a state on the territory of Transcaucasia.
But since, unfortunately, it so happened that Lenin tore their strength, it was the purpose of the establishment of a socialist state, he achieved this goal, broke his back and left very early from us. Therefore, the theory of socialism has not been finalized.
What is it that is constituent elements, and what its goals and objectives?
Stalin had limited preparations for war, but it is an empirical way, he and the Bolsheviks found the principles of economy, which subsequently can be called Communist economy.
The bases were the public property of the means of production and the absence of exploitation of man by man.
But socialism, as a transitional period was composed of not only Communist trends I mentioned below, but also the trends of the past epochs: commodity-money relations remained, those who are older than capitalism, they originated in the slave society. Availability of classes, the presence of contradictions.

And that’s how I believe that here was a serious mistake, because the theory was not engaged. It was considered that in our country there are two friendly class, i.e. the working class and collective-farm peasantry and between the interlayer — employees. And here, I think was a fundamental error that later the Soviet Union ceased to exist.
Everything else is superimposed on this Foundation.

Why? And here let us very carefully look. Because the class of people is defined in relation to ownership, the people who worked in different Soviet enterprises: Factories, institutions, farms in the village, teachers, doctors, scientists, engineers, officers — they all work, all the results of their work fell into public funds consumption was divided by the whole population equally.
Where actually came from us and provision of pensions, free medical care, free education, free housing. It from public consumption funds.

Near them there was another class that also used these nationwide, but the class which owned the means of production.
Collective-farm peasantry owned the means of production so far, though simple, but owned. It worked on the profit that was divided among the members of his team.
Mandatory state deliveries, which were to implement collective farms, commercial farm. They were certain quota, for which the state paid a solid purchase prices.
Then the produce was to be divided between farmers on workdays that could implement it and handed over to the farm for a solid price, and deposited in the system of cooperative trade at a higher price. And finally for implementation was organized by the collective farm markets. Collective, because they could only work themselves or farms, or farmers with a statement that they are members of such a collective and to exercise their belonging to them their labor and the products of their farms.

Thus, we see that there are two classes. And here is what mistakenly was called the working class and servants constituted one class it was the class of the proletariat.
Cooperative and collective farm peasantry was a class of petty bourgeoisie. And when, after Stalin’s death was dispersed MTS and technology was transferred to the collective, that’s when the petty bourgeoisie was in the hands of the main means of production.
Thus on a par with the proletariat using the General Fund consumption. They had free education and free medical care, pensions, all the same. But the principle of the bourgeoisie are all yours it is our common, and mine is mine.

And as a result we got after the great Patriotic war, when the bulk of the victims were workers,engineers and officers, i.e. the people who represent the proletarian class. To power gradually began to come the same cooperative-collective-farm peasantry or the petty bourgeoisie. And so began the rebirth of our Soviet country when you save the form, its contents began to slowly change.

Points in this were: the 22nd party Congress, when the Congress party refused the principle of “the dictatorship of the proletariat”, calling it a “people’s government”, the Khrushchev reforms, as I said, turned collective farming in the nurseries of the petty bourgeoisie, the Kosygin reforms of 1965 — destroyed edinovertsy economic complex, i.e., each company began to report on profit and profitability. Created unequal conditions of labor in different enterprises, which was the transformation of the class of the proletariat ago returned to the class of wage workers. When it became not interesting to political problems, and worried only about their economic situation.

Enshrined in the Constitution of 1977 6 points, which the Communist party called the leading, guiding force of our society and further alienated employees from the real political struggle for their rights and for their class purpose.
The last serious attempt of action of the proletariat is the Novocherkassk in 1962, when the demonstration was shot. Further decomposition of the proletariat, its transformation into hired workers resulted in liquidation of Soviet power as a form of state power.

Now we will talk about the period of liberal-globalism, in which we live.

Today is a proletariat?
Here Marx’s formula needs to be supplemented. The fact that Marx said that the proletariat of salaried workers not having the means of production and the labour market can offer their skills, their labor, their labor power. This is a necessary condition, but it is not enough.

You need a few more conditions:
1.To every worker realized who he was on this earth.
Whether it is in their thinking proletarians, or wage-worker.
2. Realized is the need to understand their own class goals and objectives.
Ie, its the main class and the main purpose of class the purpose of the task is to build a Communist society.
3. Realizing this, he is obliged to engage in political struggle against the bourgeoisie. Otherwise he will not succeed.

And the struggle is not evolutionary, not participation in different elections, not with the endless rallies against one of the tentacles of an octopus or for their economic rights. It needs to put forward political demands, at the forefront to put them, the ones that are clear and close to the vast majority of the population of our country.
The ranks must unite all the professions that make up the group of wage earners: it factory workers, farmers, doctors, teachers, engineers, scientists, officers. Today they all are employees. Even officers who had previously served for 25 years before retirement or to the reserve. And those now translated into 5-year contract. Ie put in a very dependent position.

Under the whim of the bourgeoisie, who will decide whether these officers or not? And it is necessary that a military school or not? And need military science or not? And indeed other science?

So today our challenge is to explain all these categories of workers.
Who they are, their class goals and objectives and the need for a political struggle. And we need not jump in the stands, not whistling at different meetings, a resolution which, after 5 minutes are thrown out. Clear and create the most proletarian battalions, bound by iron discipline, i.e. the implementation of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
As I told you, dictatorship is not born in a vacuum.
We need to build a system of proletarian solidarity. That is, if any indefinitely small team puts forward political demands, we should, through our media, through our cells to organise the movement of solidarity. Rallies is the solidarity of support of political demands. The strike is the solidarity of support of political demands. Demonstration — solidarity.

We need to go further. We have, through this system to create a unified Russian strike Committee, which will be put forward purely political demands. So he brought people to the General political strike, which will represent the first step of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
Further steps of the dictatorship of the proletariat will depend on what methods of struggle we impose upon the bourgeoisie. But we have to be ready for anything.

Author: M. A. Sorkin (06.12.2019 g)

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